{"id":34,"date":"2026-07-01T09:00:00","date_gmt":"2026-07-01T09:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/127.0.0.1:8480\/blog\/texas-business-court-first-year\/"},"modified":"2026-07-01T09:00:00","modified_gmt":"2026-07-01T09:00:00","slug":"texas-business-court-first-year","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/verifiedlawfirms.com\/blog\/texas-business-court-first-year\/","title":{"rendered":"Texas built a business court to chase Delaware. Here is year one"},"content":{"rendered":"

Start with the number that started everything. Fifty-six billion dollars. That was the value of the Tesla pay package Chancellor Kathaleen McCormick voided in Tornetta v. Musk<\/em> (Del. Ch. 2024). Elon Musk did not appeal quietly. He moved. Tesla shareholders approved reincorporation in Texas on June 13, 2024, with roughly 72 percent of unaffiliated shares in favor. SpaceX had already filed to move its charter to Texas. Neuralink went to Nevada. The Boring Company followed.<\/p>\n

Texas was ready to catch them.<\/p>\n

On September 1, 2024, the Texas Business Court opened for filings. It had been signed into law more than a year earlier through House Bill 19 during the 88th Legislature. The timing looked like a coincidence and behaved like a plan. A specialized trial court for high-dollar commercial disputes, staffed by appointed judges, arrived in the same season that a Delaware chancellor handed Texas its best marketing line in a generation.<\/p>\n

I track where companies incorporate and where they litigate. Those are two different questions. The Texas experiment is a bet that you can change the second by advertising the first. One year of data is thin. But it is not zero. So let me walk the numbers.<\/p>\n

The $56 billion nudge and the machinery behind it<\/h2>\n

Delaware’s grip on corporate America is a spreadsheet fact, not a slogan. Roughly 68 percent of Fortune 500 companies are chartered there. More than two million business entities sit on the Delaware books. The franchise taxes and related fees pull in around $2 billion a year, which is close to a third of the state’s general fund revenue. That concentration is the moat. It also makes Delaware a fat target.<\/p>\n

The pitch against Delaware in 2024 went like this. The Court of Chancery is powerful, unelected, and, to its critics, increasingly willing to second-guess boards and controlling stockholders. Tornetta<\/em> was Exhibit A. Before it, West Palm Beach Firefighters’ Pension Fund v. Moelis & Co.<\/em> (Del. Ch. 2024) struck down governance provisions in a stockholder agreement that handed a founder outsized control. Boards read those opinions and heard risk. Founders read them and heard a threat.<\/p>\n

Bill Ackman said publicly he was thinking about moving Pershing Square holdings out of Delaware. Dropbox reincorporated in Nevada. TripAdvisor’s parent tried to move to Nevada and drew a fiduciary suit, Palkon v. Maffei<\/em> (Del. Ch. 2024), where the court declined to block the move at the pleading stage. The word for all of this became DExit. It was mostly noise. But noise moves markets, and it moved legislators.<\/p>\n

Texas built the hardware to receive the traffic. Not a marketing campaign. A court.<\/p>\n

What the statute actually says<\/h2>\n

Here is where I get pedantic, because the thresholds are the whole ballgame. The Business Court lives in Chapter 25A of the Texas Government Code. Its jurisdiction is not general. It is gated by dollar amounts and by subject matter.<\/p>\n

The two numbers to memorize are $5 million and $10 million.<\/p>\n

Governance and internal-affairs disputes qualify when the amount in controversy exceeds $5 million. Think derivative suits, breach of fiduciary duty against officers and directors, disputes over the internal affairs of an organization, and securities and governance claims. There is a carve-out that matters: if a party is a publicly traded company, several of those categories carry no minimum at all. A shareholder fight over a listed company gets in the door regardless of the dollar figure attached.<\/p>\n

The second number covers commercial deals. A claim arising from a qualified transaction reaches the court when the transaction involves consideration of at least $10 million. HB 19 defined the qualified transaction with that floor. Ordinary contract disputes between businesses can also land in the court if the amount in controversy tops $5 million and a party agrees, or if the claim fits the enumerated categories.<\/p>\n

What did the drafters leave out on purpose? Consumer claims. Most insurance disputes involving policyholders. Personal injury. Family law. Estates. The court was engineered for balance sheets, not for people. That is the point. The docket is supposed to be dense with fiduciary duty, merger fallout, and nine-figure contract wars, and empty of everything a business defendant would rather not fund.<\/p>\n

Now the part that generated the most heat. The judges are appointed, not elected.<\/p>\n

Governor Greg Abbott names them. Terms run two years. A candidate must be at least 35 years old and carry at least ten years of experience in complex civil business litigation, in business transaction law, or as a civil court judge. In a state where trial judges run for the bench in partisan elections, appointed commercial judges with short terms were a structural novelty, and a lawsuit magnet in waiting.<\/p>\n

The legislature funded five divisions to open. First Division in Dallas. Third in Austin. Fourth in San Antonio. Eighth in Fort Worth. Eleventh in Houston. Six other divisions exist on paper, dark until money arrives.<\/p>\n

Abbott’s initial appointees read like an appellate reunion. Bill Whitehill, a former justice on the Fifth Court of Appeals, took a seat in the Dallas division alongside Andrea Bouressa. Grant Dorfman and Sofia Adrogue drew the Houston division, one a former Harris County district judge and deputy attorney general, the other a veteran commercial litigator. Jerry Bullard landed in Fort Worth. Melissa Andrews took Austin. Marialyn Barnard, another former appellate justice, went to San Antonio.<\/p>\n

Appeals do not go to the regular courts of appeals. Texas built a new statewide appellate court for this, the Fifteenth Court of Appeals, which also opened in September 2024 and hears business court appeals plus cases involving the state. Scott Brister, a former Texas Supreme Court justice, became its chief. So the design is a closed loop. Specialized trial judges feed a specialized appellate court, and the theory is that a body of Texas commercial precedent grows faster because the same eyes see the same problems.<\/p>\n

That is the theory. Precedent takes years. The court had months.<\/p>\n

The first wave was smaller and stranger than the hype<\/h2>\n

If you expected a flood, you were oversold. The first months produced filings in the low hundreds across the five divisions combined, not thousands. That is a rational number for a court with a $5 million floor. Most commercial disputes in Texas do not clear that bar. The ones that do tend to be the fights companies already staff with three law firms.<\/p>\n

The mix skewed the way the statute pointed it. Contract disputes over large deals. Partnership and LLC divorces where the members were burning eight figures on the way out. Fiduciary duty claims. Trade secret and covenant fights riding along with underlying commercial breaches. A handful of energy sector disputes, which is unsurprising in a state where midstream and oilfield contracts routinely run past $10 million.<\/p>\n

Two features stood out to me early.<\/p>\n

First, a large share of the docket arrived by transfer, not by original filing. Plaintiffs did not rush to file new cases in the Business Court. Defendants dragged existing cases into it. That is a signal. The parties treating the court as a strategic destination were mostly the ones being sued, betting that a business judge would look at a fiduciary claim differently than a jury in a plaintiff-friendly county.<\/p>\n

Second, the early written opinions were about the court’s own power, not about the merits. That is normal for a new court. The judges spent the first stretch drawing the boundaries of their own jurisdiction, because litigants spent the first stretch testing them. Every gate the legislature built got rattled.<\/p>\n

And one gate turned out to be poorly hung.<\/p>\n

The removal and remand fights nobody fully planned for<\/h2>\n

Texas lawyers call it removal by habit, borrowing the federal word. The statute uses transfer. Either way the move is the same. A party pulls a case out of a Texas district court and into the Business Court, and the opponent fights to send it back.<\/p>\n

The recurring battlefield in year one was time, not money. HB 19 gave the court jurisdiction over actions commenced on or after September 1, 2024. Read literally, that sentence walls off everything filed before the opening date. But litigation is not static. Cases get amended. Parties get added. Claims get repleaded. So the fight became a definitional one. When a plaintiff amends a pre-September case to add a claim that would qualify, has a new action commenced?<\/p>\n

The court’s early answer leaned narrow. Several divisions read the timing rule strictly and declined jurisdiction over cases whose underlying action began before September 1, 2024, even where amendments came later. Judges concluded that an amendment did not restart the clock and that the legislature meant the opening date to be a hard line. Transfers of older cases got bounced. Motions to remand succeeded on the calendar, not the substance.<\/p>\n

Practitioners hated the uncertainty. A defendant with a $40 million dispute filed in August 2024 could not reach the new court no matter how badly it wanted a business judge. A near-identical case filed in October could. The dividing line was an arbitrary date, and it created a two-track system where litigation strategy turned on when the complaint happened to be stamped.<\/p>\n

The Business Court also had to sort out supplemental jurisdiction. If a qualifying claim entered the court, what about the non-qualifying claims tangled up with it? Could the court keep an ordinary breach claim that traveled alongside a fiduciary duty claim, or did it have to split the case? The early opinions worked through whether related claims could ride in on the coattails of a qualifying claim, and how far that ride extended. The answers were fact-specific and cautious. Judges did not grab jurisdiction they were unsure they held. A new court guards its legitimacy by staying inside its lines.<\/p>\n

The Fifteenth Court of Appeals started catching these disputes on the back end, which is exactly the design working. Trial-level jurisdictional rulings need an appellate voice to become law rather than one judge’s read. That process is slow. It is also the only way a coherent body of Texas business precedent gets built.<\/p>\n

The legislature did not wait for the courts to finish the argument. In the 89th session in 2025, Texas passed House Bill 40, which expanded and clarified the Business Court’s jurisdiction. It broadened the categories the court could hear and addressed the timing gap that had been jamming transfers. The message from Austin was direct. Fix the plumbing, widen the pipe, and stop losing high-value cases on a calendar technicality. A court sold as the future of Texas commercial litigation could not spend year two remanding disputes because they were filed a few weeks early.<\/p>\n

The constitutional question stayed alive underneath all of it. Critics argued that appointed trial judges with two-year terms sit uneasily with the Texas Constitution’s tradition of elected judges. Defenders answered that the legislature has broad power to create statutory courts. No knockout ruling settled it in year one. It hangs over the project. If a high court ever agrees that the structure is defective, the whole edifice wobbles. I would not bet on that outcome, but I would not price it at zero either.<\/p>\n

Delaware did not sit still<\/h2>\n

The best evidence that Texas scared Delaware is what Delaware did next. States that feel secure do not rewrite their corporate code twice in eighteen months.<\/p>\n

First came the response to Moelis<\/em>. Delaware amended the General Corporation Law through Senate Bill 313 in 2024, revising Section 122 to let corporations grant governance rights and control provisions by contract with stockholders. That directly answered the ruling that had rattled founders. The chancery had said those agreements went too far. The legislature said, in effect, they can go that far now.<\/p>\n

Then came the bigger swing. In 2025, Delaware enacted Senate Bill 21, signed in March by Governor Matt Meyer. It amended DGCL Sections 144 and 220. Section 144 got new safe harbors for transactions involving directors, officers, and controlling stockholders, tightening the path by which a cleansed conflicted deal escapes the harshest judicial review. Section 220 got new limits on what books-and-records demands can reach and how far stockholders can dig. The plaintiff-side bar read SB 21 as Delaware pulling up its own drawbridge. Corporate defense read it as Delaware finally listening.<\/p>\n

The subtext of SB 21 was competitive fear. The bill moved fast, drew unusual public lobbying, and arrived precisely because Delaware’s political leadership understood the franchise revenue at stake. When a third of your general fund depends on staying the default state of incorporation, a few marquee defections and a rival with a shiny new court are enough to make you legislate.<\/p>\n

Delaware’s advantage was never the statute. It was the reservoir. Centuries of case law, a judiciary that sees more corporate disputes in a month than most states see in a decade, and a predictability that pricing models reward. You cannot copy that with an appropriations bill.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

That is the honest asymmetry. Texas can build a court in a year. It cannot build fifty years of opinions in a year. The Tornetta<\/em> appeal to the Delaware Supreme Court kept the pay-package saga in the headlines, and the McCormick chancery kept issuing the kind of muscular rulings that made founders nervous and defense lawyers busy. Delaware’s product is friction and predictability at once. That combination is hard to reproduce.<\/p>\n

Texas answered the answer<\/h2>\n

The 2025 Texas response was not just courtroom plumbing. It was substantive corporate law.<\/p>\n

Senate Bill 29, carried by Senator Bryan Hughes and signed in May 2025, rewrote parts of the Texas Business Organizations Code to make the state more attractive as a place to incorporate, not merely a place to litigate. It codified and strengthened the business judgment rule, giving directors and officers firmer protection from second-guessing. It raised barriers to derivative litigation against public companies, including an ownership threshold that requires a meaningful stake, reported around 3 percent, before certain suits can proceed. It narrowed books-and-records exposure. It aimed straight at the friction points that made Delaware feel dangerous to boards.<\/p>\n

Put the two states side by side and you see mirror moves. Delaware tightens Section 144 and Section 220. Texas fortifies the business judgment rule and chokes off derivative suits. Both codes drifted in the same direction at the same time, toward management protection and away from stockholder plaintiffs. The competition did not make Texas more like Delaware in prestige. It made both states more like each other in policy.<\/p>\n

Here is the analyst’s read on the mechanism. A company chooses a state of incorporation for its substantive law and its courts as a package. Texas now sells both. SB 29 supplies the law. The Business Court supplies a forum. HB 40 tries to make that forum actually reachable. The strategy is coherent on paper. The question is whether coherence on paper moves the incorporation count.<\/p>\n

So far the answer is modest. A handful of high-profile reincorporations, most of them founder-driven, Musk being the loudest, do not amount to a migration. Delaware’s two million entities did not empty out. The DExit of 2024 was a trickle dressed as a trend. The numbers that would prove a real shift, sustained net departures of large public companies from Delaware to Texas, are not there yet. They may never be. Or they may build slowly, the way default choices erode, one board resolution at a time.<\/p>\n

My read on where this actually goes<\/h2>\n

I do not think a specialized state business court changes where most companies litigate. I think it changes where a narrow, expensive slice of them litigate, and that slice was already unusual.<\/p>\n

The $5 million floor is the tell. It filters the docket down to disputes that were never going to a small-claims mindset anyway. Those cases were already being fought by parties with resources, sophisticated counsel, and the ability to forum-shop. The Business Court gives them a cleaner venue with judges who understand a cap table without a tutorial. That is a real improvement in quality. It is a marginal change in destination. The companies filing there mostly had Texas exposure to begin with.<\/p>\n

The incorporation play is the more interesting bet and the weaker one. A charter follows tax, law, and predictability. Texas fixed the law with SB 29. It cannot manufacture predictability, because predictability is just old cases stacked deep, and Texas has a stack one year tall. Give it ten years of Fifteenth Court of Appeals opinions and a business court docket that survives its constitutional questions, and the calculus tightens. Give it one year, and Delaware’s reservoir still wins the pricing model.<\/p>\n

What the first year actually proved is narrower and more useful than the marketing. It proved Texas would build institutions, not just pass press releases. Five funded divisions. A statewide appellate court. Appointed judges with real commercial resumes. A legislature willing to return in 2025 and patch the jurisdictional leaks with HB 40 and raise the substantive stakes with SB 29. That is a state treating corporate litigation as infrastructure worth funding. Most states are not doing that.<\/p>\n

And it proved Delaware can be made to flinch. SB 313 and SB 21 are the receipts. A monopolist that amends its flagship product twice in eighteen months is a monopolist watching the exits. Texas did not take Delaware’s crown. It made the crown heavier to wear.<\/p>\n

The honest scoreboard after year one: filings in the low hundreds, not thousands. A docket bent toward transfers and jurisdictional skirmishes rather than blockbuster merits rulings. A timing gap serious enough that the legislature rewrote the statute within a session. A rival state rattled enough to rewrite its own code. And a founder-led reincorporation story that made great copy and thin data.<\/p>\n

Watch three numbers going forward, because they will tell you whether this is a structural shift or an expensive experiment. Watch the annual filing count and whether it grows past the low hundreds once HB 40’s wider jurisdiction takes hold. Watch how many published Fifteenth Court of Appeals opinions accumulate, because that stack is the only thing that ever competes with Delaware. And watch net incorporations, the count of companies that actually move charters to Texas versus the ones that just threatened to.<\/p>\n

If those three lines climb together over the next several years, Texas built something durable. If they flatten, Texas built a very good court for a very small number of very large fights, which is not nothing, and is also not a Delaware killer. Right now I would bet on the second outcome and keep a close eye on the first. The court is real. The migration is not, yet. Do not confuse the two.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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